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German report German report
by Euro Reporter
2011-03-14 09:48:34
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Germany's Merkel hit by EU compromise, nuclear power

The radiation threat from damaged Japanese nuclear power plants after a devastating earthquake has added to Chancellor Angela Merkel's domestic troubles ahead of three important regional elections this month. Opposition parties are challenging her government's support of nuclear power, a rancorous debate that has rarely been far from the center of German politics for decades. Reports of possible radioactive leaks and a at least partial meltdown at a nuclear reactor in Japan revived concerns here over the weekend. "No reactor in the world is prepared for the case of a meltdown," Green Party parliamentary Juergen Trittin said live on ARD television. Trittin was environment minister early last decade when he negotiated with energy utilities a phasing out of nuclear power that was later watered down by Merkel's government. The Greens are likely to profit most from voters scared of nuclear accidents.

Sigmar Gabriel, the leader of the main opposition, the Social Democrats, or SPD, also on ARD TV demanded to switch off immediately at least the oldest of Germany's 17 nuclear power plants.  Protest organizers said some 60,000 people demonstrated against nuclear power Saturday in the Southern German state of Baden-Wuerttemberg, where March 27 elections could topple Merkel's Christian Democratic Union party from office after decades of governing. The state, home to Daimler-Benz AG (DAI.XE) and BASF AG (BAS.XE), the big chemicals group, has four of Germany's 17 nuclear reactors. The state is one of Germany's richest and most populous, and a win there would further strengthen the opposition's hold of the Bundesrat, Germany's upper chamber that represents the country's states and has to approve legislation touching upon taxes.

Losing Baden-Wuertemberg would be "the beginning of the end of Merkel's Chancellorship," the Green's Trittin told Der Spiegel magazine in next week's edition. Japan's fresh lesson on risks linked to reactors comes as Merkel prepares to defend against criticism from her own party that she gave away too much when agreeing to a European Union pact to reform EU governance and competitiveness. Her government has been under fire since agreeing to put German taxpayers behind a Greek bailout last May. To reach this deal, Merkel compromised on previous conditions that member states become more economically competitive. She also agreed to allow the European Financial Stability Facility, the euro-zone rescue fund, to buy bonds directly from troubled member states--a measure highly disputed even among her own Christian Democrats.
Frank Schaeffler, a finance expert in parliament for the Free Democrats, Merkel's junior coalition partner, told the Handelsblatt newspaper Sunday it is a grave error if the EFSF were to be allowed to buy "junk bonds" from troubled euro-zone members. Germany's parliament won't have a binding say on the issue of bond purchases, but it does need to approve extended German guarantees for the EFSF which are also part of the deal.


How Germany bestrides Europe once again

Germany was an empire, mishmash, a dictatorship, then a shipwreck. For the two decades since reunification, it has at last been a normal country. But it is no sooner normal than it is thrust back on parade. The German chancellor, Angela Merkel, has emerged from the financial crash of 2008 the unchallenged impresario of the euro zone. She rescued the currency from disaster last year and salvaged the Greek economy from bankruptcy. She may yet have to do the same for other members of the club. Her country bestrides Europe as it has not done, dare we say it, since the 1940s. This time it does so with a more hesitant leadership and with generosity. To visit the restored capital of Berlin for the first time in a decade is to see a place transformed. The scars of division have been removed. The wall has gone, as have most traces of the Third Reich. The two greatest traumas of Germany's past have been quietly erased from the Berlin map.

In their place the classical monuments of the Prussian ascendancy are reinstated along the banks of the Spree, like grand old soldiers comforting themselves with their memories. Beyond is a strange, still bruised city, beset by banal post-war architecture. Berlin suffers from large building fatigue and cobble-stone starvation. It lacks the boisterous warmth of Munich, the sleek plutocracy of Frankfurt and the bustling commerce of the Rhine. Berliners hate being told how inexpensive their city seems, let alone how empty. It is both. The Germans I met on this visit were less sensitive and more confident than before, but the introspection remains. A politician resents tenacious civil servants clinging to their Bonn offices, and bankers clinging to their Frankfurt ones. A publisher is proud that imprints are starting to relocate to Berlin, while an academic complains that Berlin still has newspapers for east and west. A group of journalists argues over whether the city is on the up, or is still down, whether it is lost between east and west, or poised to become capital of a united Europe. Everyone wants to know what outsiders think: witness the appetite for English books on Germany, such as Simon Winder's Germania, Peter Watson's The German Genius, and How to be a Kraut by Roger Boyes.

Most Britons still see Germany as a nation where every move is conditioned by history, and a history assumed to be of relentless megalomania. I have always seen Germany as the opposite, as an advertisement for the cultural and economic virtues of smallness and locality. Apart from the belligerent century from Bismarck to Hitler, Simon Winder's delightful country of trolls and Rhine maidens, forests and beer, efficient factories and clean hotels, fostered the Reformation, the northern Renaissance and the industrial revolution with none of the trappings of super-statehood. When in 1945 the allies methodically settled down to create a constitution to "keep Germany down", they opted for the historicism of pre-Bismarckian principalities and "free cities". The economic miracle was rooted not just in the German work ethic, but in decentralisation, civic competition and enterprise. I used to think Germany was like Britain without London and the south-east. Everyone was a provincial and the better for it. The revival of Berlin has not ended that. Germans call themselves Bavarians or Saxons or Berliners.

Germany remains an essentially dispersed country. Its rulers and much of its cultural life may have returned to the new capital, but its finances are in Frankfurt, its industry in the Ruhr and its newspapers in Munich and Frankfurt. The constitution bequeathed Germany a deliberate weakness, a surfeit of coalitions, lender autonomy and constant elections. But a democracy of which Germans had almost no experience proved vigorous. The ease with which West Germans absorbed their eastern neighbours after 1989, at a cost of over €1 trillion, was astonishing. Germany has none of Britain's dysfunctional contempt for "out of London". This fusion of democracy and industrial strength remains Germany's central asset. It is maddening for Anglo-American "liberals" to find German social corporatism still performing well, with its cartelised finance and its management-union committees. The result was that, from 2000 until the crash, German labour costs were persistently falling, while British and French costs were rising.

During the recession German employers did not lay off staff as demand plummeted, but workers accepted wage cuts and banks helped firms over the trough. The result was they emerged from the recession with workforces intact and ready to expand. But as visitors marvel at last year's 3.7% growth rate, Germans see risks on all sides. The country is not replacing its population and is ageing and retiring. The injection of 4.3 million East Germans is now at an end. The country has a dwindling labour pool and a population sustained only by immigration. Berlin's council for integration and migration predicts that by 2050 half of all Germans will be of non-German origin. Many of these will be Turks, whose lack of work ethic and inability to benefit from Germany's archaic school system, while living off welfare, is a constant political theme. Over the past 10 years the percentage of Germans who feel society is "unfair" rose from a half to three-quarters.

While this might be considered a German matter, a German matter belongs to Europe if Germany turns in on itself. The crucial relationship now is with France, a nation that defeated Germany once in the past two centuries and was defeated by Germany three times. It is no longer bonded by the old joke of Germany covering for French weakness and France covering for German strength. The French president, Nicolas Sarkozy, badly needs German fiscal and budgetary discipline within the euro, to curb his unions and his voracious public sector. He has virtually invited Bismarck to the gates of Paris. The euro was accepted reluctantly by the Germans in place of the deutschmark, as a talisman of European Union and a way of protecting Germany's export markets across Europe.


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