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American National Security in the Age of Insecurity: 2/5 American National Security in the Age of Insecurity: 2/5
by Dr. Habib Siddiqui
2008-08-25 09:42:49
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Part 2: Bush Doctrine of Lies and Deceptions

The Bush Doctrine echoes many of the ideas of the neoconservative think tank - Project for the New American Century (PNAC), which was founded in 1997. PNAC, in its founding "Statement of Principles", stated the "need to promote the cause of political and economic freedom abroad." The following year, it called for deposing Saddam Hussein. Among the signers of PNAC's original Statement of Principles were a number of people who later gained high positions in the Bush administration, including Dick Cheney, Don Rumsfeld, Paul Wolfowitz and Richard Perle.


Therefore, it was not surprise that, as with Afghanistan, Bush did not want to give diplomacy a chance before invading Iraq. On March 2003, just 13 days before the invasion, Dr. Hans Blix, the Chief UN weapons inspector, reported, "No evidence of proscribed activities has so far been found" in Iraq. He said that further inspections would continue. But the U.S. government, unhappy about the Blix report, announced that "diplomacy has failed" and that it would proceed with a coalition of allied countries, named the "coalition of the willing", to rid Iraq of its alleged weapons of mass destruction (WMDs). The U.S. government abruptly advised U.N. weapons inspectors to immediately pull out of Baghdad.

Under the declared pretext of disarming Iraq of nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons, and as part of overall strategy towards minimizing threat to the USA from unfriendly nations, President Bush invaded Iraq on March 20, 2003 and subsequently toppled the regime of Saddam Hussein. The invasion was condemned by the UN Secretary General Kofi Annan declaring that it "was not in conformity with the UN charter" and was "illegal".

After some two years of frenzied search, when no WMDs were found, Bush conveniently described the Iraq War as a “central front in the war on terror.” In that process of invasion and subsequent occupation, in the last five years more than a million (and counting) Iraqi civilians have been killed (most of these in the first three months of the war) by the Coalition forces. Iraq's economy and infrastructure, once the envy of the entire Middle East, have been vastly destroyed by massive aerial bombing campaigns, and missile, tank and mortar attacks.

In recent months, with a surge in deployment of American armed forces, violence seems to have become manageable. However such a reduction in violence may be too superficial and short-lived. Unemployment runs too high and grievances against America's orgy of slaughter, rape and destruction are too deep to be either ignored or forgotten in an area where people have long memory. These are sure recipes for disaster and, unless redressed properly would continue to challenge the goal of bringing about stability, safety and security in Iraq, plus phased withdrawal of American forces. These may haunt American vital interests both inside and outside Iraq.

It is important to remember that there were many concerned human beings that objected to America's invasion of Afghanistan and (more so for) Iraq. According to Dominique Reynie, a political scientist from the University of Paris, between 3 January and 12 April 2003, 36 million people across the globe took part in almost 3,000 protests against war in Iraq, the demonstrations on February 15, 2003 being the largest and most prolific. Even NATO members like Canada, France and Germany opposed the invasion suggesting disarmament through diplomacy. Russia also cautioned against invasion. However, all such voices of reason and restraint were snubbed by the war party and their paid agents in the corporate media.

What is also so horrible and evil about the entire Iraqi episode is that President Bush committed an impeachable offense by ordering the CIA to manufacture a false pretense for the war in the form of a backdated, handwritten document linking al-Qaeda and Saddam Hussein. This charge is made in a recently published book "The Way of the World: A Story of Truth and Hope in an Age of Extremism" by Pulitzer Prize winning journalist Ron Suskind. The author says that Bush was informed unequivocally in January 2003, three months before the invasion, that Iraq had no WMDs.

Can the end justify the means – no matter how criminal these may be? But that is what President Bush and his trusted lieutenants were set to do towards the regime change in Iraq. In an earlier book – The Price of Loyalty - Suskind wrote that the planning envisioned peacekeeping troops, war crimes tribunals, and even dividing up Iraq's oil wealth. Six months before 9/11, a Pentagon document, dated March 5, 2001, entitled "Foreign Suitors for Iraqi Oilfield Contracts" surfaced, which included a map of potential areas for exploration of oil in Iraq. Suskind said, "It talks about contractors around the world from, you know, 30-40 countries. And which ones have what intentions.”

Bush wanted so much to convince American people of the need to invade Iraq that the White House set up a secret team in the Pentagon to implant evidence. The Office of Special Plans (OSP) routinely rewrote the CIA's intelligence estimates on Iraq's weapons programs, removing phrases like "probably," "likely" and "may" as a way of portraying the country as an imminent threat. They also used unreliable sources to create reports that ultimately proved to be false. In this regard, one may recall that Bush said, "The British Government has learned that Saddam Hussein recently sought significant quantities of uranium from Africa." in his State of the Union Address. The documents supporting that statement were forged.

Bush, Cheney, Rice and Powell also claimed that some aluminum tubes Iraq had attempted to buy were intended for use in a uranium centrifuge to produce nuclear weapons. These were the only physical evidence that Bush had against Iraq. But as CNN and New York Times have shown this evidence had been rejected by the Department of Energy and other intelligence agencies long before Bush used them in his speeches. According to Ron Suskind, Bush's action is "one of the greatest lies in modern American political history" and is a crime of greater impact than Nixon's Watergate.

As is quite evident, President Bush and his entourage of advisers chose war over diplomacy, carnage over common sense, unilateralism over multilateral cooperation, revenge over reconciliation, and deception over truth. Unapologetic and stupidly stubborn, the Bush Administration and its neocon advisers still continue to preach the wisdom of regime change and staying the present course in its Global War on Terror (GWOT). Thus, to many of them war against Iran is the only option to settle the dispute concerning her nuclear enrichment program.

The Choice for National Security


The architects of war within and outside the White House and Pentagon forget that once violence is accepted as a legitimate political instrument, then the difference between right and wrong often gets blurred; morality and political tolerability of terrorism (insurgency or liberation movement) become rather touchy, bumpy, ticklish terrain. One country's terrorist is too often another's freedom fighter. The US government itself has funded, armed and sheltered plenty of rebels and insurgents around the world; e.g., while it supported the Contras in Nicaragua, it violently opposed the rebels in El Salvador. Violence only breeds more violence and is no recipe for guaranteeing national security. Today's witness to massacre can become tomorrow's avenger or terrorist. As is well-known people rarely win wars, and governments rarely lose them; people get killed. So, why this preference to kill people, especially when the President likes to portray the USA as a "peaceful" nation?

Speaking at the FBI headquarters a few days after attacking Afghanistan, President Bush said: "This is our calling. This is the calling of the United States of America. The most free nation in the world. A nation built on fundamental values that reject hate, reject violence, rejects murderers and rejects evil. We will not tire." Once again through his murderous campaigns in both Afghanistan and Iraq, targeting civilian population, Bush proved that his actions belie those lofty ideals on which America was founded. While he is not alone to dump those lofty ideas, only the worst, many of his predecessors similarly have dragged America – the "most free nation in the world" - into denying the same freedom to others – all in the name of national security. Even before the current crisis, stemming from 9/11, America in the post-WW II period has bombed China (1945-46, 1950-53), Korea (1950-53), Guatemala (1954, 1967-69), Indonesia (1958), Cuba (1959-60), the Belgian Congo (1964), Peru (1965), Laos (1964-73), Vietnam (1961-73), Cambodia (1969-70), Grenada (1983), Libya (1986), El Salvador (1980s), Nicaragua (1980s), Panama (1989), Iraq (1991-99), Bosnia (1995), Sudan (1998), and Yugoslavia (1999).  Hardly a decade passed uninterrupted without America's declaration of war against some country! This shows that far from being a 'peaceful' nation that is "not tired of rejecting violence" America has opted for violence frequently to settle international disputes. As Arundhati Roy so aptly pointed out "Infinite Justice" for some may mean "Infinite Injustice" for others, and "Enduring Freedom" for some means "Enduring Subjugation" for others.

In retrospect who would disagree today that if the early findings of Dr. El-Baradei's IAEA and Dr. Blix's UN weapon inspection team on Iraq were believed by the Bush Administration and the team given more time for inspection, we could have avoided the carnage in Iraq today?

As Americans search for viable strategy for national security, they must also ask about the cost of the war so as to be able to do a cost-benefit analysis on competing options. Credible estimates of Iraq's war to the US economy are believed to range anywhere from 1.2 to 3 trillion dollars. (It is worth mentioning here that America's GDP is less than 13 trillion dollars.) That's a huge burden for America!

In the aftermath of 9/11 Americans must come to the grips that America's criminal actions outside – the "freedom" to dominate, humiliate and subjugate others - can seriously impair their own freedom at home.

If America is earnest about national security in this fast-paced technology-driven age of globalization, she must approach this new task with introspection and a modicum of honesty and humility. She must acknowledge her past mistakes in judgment and approach the task rationally and objectively without any bias and influence from any particular lobby. She must analyze how things might have been if America had not opted for violence in its recent engagements in Iraq and Afghanistan. Would those options jeopardize or compromise American national security adversely?

The real issue in relation to America's national security ought to be how much insecurity can she live with while promoting her interests in an increasingly interactive and interdependent world? Given her status as the only true superpower of the 21st century, how much of America's security is dependent on multilateral cooperation and how much of it can be or should be sought unilaterally? These simple questions offer rather highly complex and very difficult national security choices, with sweeping domestic implications. Ultimately, given the fast changing and dynamic nature of both modern technology and the international setting, any answer will have to be contingent and temporary.

In his book, The Choice, Dr. Zbigniew Brzezinski argues that power and force alone are not sufficient to preserve American national security. It needs cooperation and not coercion at the global level.

As I have argued elsewhere legitimate political grievances require political solutions that are just and equitable, and not bombs and missiles. When such issues are ignored, they simmer and produce natural backdrops for breeding new recruits that are willing to die much like Udham Singh of yesteryears and Mohamed Atta of our time. Can American afford another attack from the likes of Atta?

PART ONE

PART THREE


  
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Jack2008-08-27 00:27:04
In saying:

"She [America] must acknowledge her past mistakes in judgment and approach the task rationally and objectively without any bias and influence from any particular lobby. She must analyze how things might have been if America had not opted for violence in its recent engagements in Iraq and Afghanistan. Would those options jeopardize or compromise American national security adversely?"

I believe America did analyze the situation and that is exactly why they went into Irag. Sadam had the much greater aversion to violence and it was often toward his own people, different ethnic groups, minorities, (ie, northern Kurds). To allow the former dictator (Sadam) to run free and unimpeded would not only have threatened American security, but more logistically, the Mid Eastern security. To return Irag back to Iragi's in a power-sharing, ruling party, would be an improvement for all of it's citizens (save the few elitist rich).

Incidently, Afghanastan ASKED the U. S to help, they did not invade Afghanastan. The Brittish, the French, other allies, and the U.S. all went in to HELP> To help in controlling Al Queida from taking over it's nation. It had already seized power in a number of provinces...and this extremist group, if it came to power, and with their finger over the nation's nuclear and military arsenal, that is a scarry thought (i.e., 9/11).


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