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Comments by Prof. Ernesto Paolozzi on Prof. Emanuel Paparella's previous Analysis of a Potential Exit of Italy from the EU Comments by Prof. Ernesto Paolozzi on Prof. Emanuel Paparella's previous Analysis of a Potential Exit of Italy from the EU
by Prof. Ernesto Paolozzi
2016-09-28 09:56:21
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Comments by Prof. Ernesto Paolozzi on Prof. Emanuel Paparella’s
previous Analysis of a Potential Exit of Italy from the EU
By way of a Dialogue translated from the Italian by Prof. Paparella

 erne01    

Dr. Emanuel L. Paparella                            Dr. Ernesto Paolozzi

Translator’s Preamble: What follows are sundry comments by Professor Ernesto Paolozzi, translated from the Italian by yours truly, on an analysis of mine which appeared recently on a future referendum called by Italy’s government on reforms. I am in full agreement with my Italian friend and colleague, with whom I conduct a monthly symposium in Ovi magazine, that the perception may be different on the other side of a river when and if a disaster may be in process. It may look more dangerous or less dangerous depending on which side of the river one happens to be. Indeed, if the aim of an analysis is to tell it like it is, and assuming parity of analytical competency, knowledge of history, and the facts at hand, the person closer to the disaster may well be able to arrive at a more accurate analysis. This truism is applicable on both sides of the Atlantic ocean. That’s the reason I have requested Ernesto’s expert opinion on the rumored conjectures that Italy’s may be getting closer to an exit from the EU. Ernesto has graciously consented to offer his insightful philosophical perspective and has consented to have it translated and disseminated. Consequently, in the Socratic tradition of the search for the truth via public collegial dialogues and conversations (the more important, the more collegial), I attach his translated erudite comments below. Thank you Ernesto for these masterful elucidations and clarifications and may the dialogue on the future of the EU continue.

 erne02

I have read your analysis with much attention and for the most part I find myself in agreement. I must mention however that to us Italians from this side of the Atlantic the situation seems to be much less serious. The issue is simple: the Renzi government has dramatized the issue of the referendum to extract an electoral advantage. In reality, a NO to the proposed reforms is not the equivalent to the English NO to a United Europe.

The fact is that, as you well know, the Italian political system is less rigid than the Anglo-Saxon type. An eventual defeat of the government would not directly provoke a deep crisis, nor would anticipate elections. For example, we know that the President of the Republic Mattarella, an old Sicilian Democrat, would not be prone to a dissolution of Congress. In the first place he would reconfirm his trust in Renzi, and in case of a defeat, there is already talk of a possible technical government guided by the present Minister of the Economy Padoan, or of a so called president’s government guided by the Senate’s president Grasso. As our history teaches us, in Italy it is not difficult to envision a new government with a different majority sustained, for example, from the center-right of a Berlusconi. As has been happening in Germany for quite a few years now, where nobody wins the elections per se and what ensue are coalition governments.  

In other words, it is Renzi, and I don’t like to say it, that is gambling here by raising the specter of fear of an exit. Moreover, the opposition does not come only from Grillo, who indeed remains a danger, but also from large segments of the same Democratic party of Renzi who are against reforms, as well as a vast majority of the moderate center-right and the center.

To deal with the details, the reform project eliminates some regional prerogatives (and I agree with this) but it also eliminates the old Senate giving the new Senate powers of interdictions on all laws which may have influence on the regions, on local institutions and with the European Union. As a compensatory measure it takes away the trust in the governments. This could be a simplification but as some excellent constitutional experts have noted, it could be much more complicated. Moreover, the senators would be chosen from among regional advisors who, as you know, are not known for their brilliant efficiency or honesty. So this is a reform which is rather confusing, badly written and hard to comprehend.

In my opinion the greatest issue revolves around the electoral reform recently approved which assigns a strong reward for majority which reaches 40% first time around or a combination between the first two  parties with relative majorities. This means, given the actual status of the parties, that it is probable that at second round (where it would almost surely end up) a party with 30% votes could govern the country by itself. Moreover, 100 congressmen would be elected without preferences, simply nominated on a list controlled by the party. You may then appreciate that with the Senate’s abolition, this electoral reform gives rise to quite a few concerns. For one thing, there would be a lack of counterweights necessary whenever a political scheme is simplified. This would be similar to abolishing the Constitutional Court in America where the president is elected directly by the people and the powers of the federal states were to be reduced. One would end up with dictatorship. This is the issue that Italy is presently undergoing.

 erne03

In fact, even Giorgio Napolitan, whom, as you know, I am acquainted with for many years and is a very prudent man, having sponsored the Renzi reform, is currently a modification of its electoral law.  Those two reforms together renders dangerous the attitude of the Renzi government. Grillo, in the final analysis is a confused man than a real threat.

So it seems that on the 4th of October the Constitution Court will veto the electoral law as unconstitutional. If this happens, as many, and I too, hope, then everything is under discussion again. My position synthesized in a few words is this: if we modify the electoral law in a more democratic sense, then it becomes possible to also modify it in a less democratic sense. So I would suggest to our American friends that they can rest assured that Italy will not become a threat to the European Union. The tragedy of the EU remains that of being governed by mediocre politicians and a technocracy that seems to get progressively more confused and auto-referential.

 *************************************************************************

Check Prof. Ernesto Paolozzi's EBOOKS
Benedetto Croce: The Philosophy of History and the Duty of Freedom
& The Aesthetics of Benedetto Croce
You can download them for FREE HERE!
 
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